The outcome of regional elections requires an effort of understanding of what stirs beneath the surface of the phenomena, at least as represented by that broker that the mass media.
Mistakenly, many expected that the myriad of processes and scandals that have engulfed the center and its leaders, undermining the credibility of an ethical point of view, would lead to disastrous results for this party politics. So it was not. What are the reasons?
Who thought of a collapse of confidence reposed in a broadly center-right rule of law, which can be summarized with the maximum in every lapidary court, "the law is equal for all." This belief has ancient roots and nobles. In Greek culture the rule of law was so strong that Socrates chose to drink the hemlock and die rather than save and to invalidate the laws of the city.
The law is what the city normally allows for a civil society. Outside of the law, as Hobbes would say contractarian, there is the state of nature, the struggle of all against all. The Nomos, law, living in a constant dialectical relation to the law of nature, Physis. Sometimes this dialectic, however, has no chance of higher synthesis of passing: nell'Antigone emanates Creon's edict, law the city, which hindered the burial of Polynices, denying the right to "natural" Antigone to make the necessary funeral for his brother.
The law of the city and the law of nature. Sophists, Physis as Critias interpreted as the right of the stronger, claiming the power of the aristocracy. The right to "natural" does not know of the strongest laws, rules: which is the strongest and discards the rules in relation to their interests.
updated on the theme of "law and law of the jungle", by reading about it on the analysis of Franco Berardi Manifesto:
The criticism of the Berlusconi regime is not always able to grasp the nature Baroque Italian neo-liberalism. An economic system, social and cultural which has managed to translate the deregulation and the law of the strongest under the dominant.
In recent months, the protest against the Berlusconi regime has reached almost pathetic tones. There is talk of crisis as Berlusconi to exorcise the reality of a perfect correspondence between the corruption of the political class and business-spread cynicism in society. But where would the crisis? The escalation of arrogance is not a sign of a crisis, I would say, but its opposite: it is a sign of stabilization of a system that no longer needs the law just because the law of the jungle to adjust the relations of insecurity, exploitation and slavery in the field of work and everyday life.
The more obvious is the contempt of the class in power for the law and rules, especially since the protest is focused on defending the law. The problem is that the law and the rules do not apply when there is no force to make them active. And where is the strength, what strength in a system centered on the production of media consciousness? ...
Perhaps we should stop to consider the Italian case as an anomaly: on the contrary it is the extreme example of the effects of deregulation, global phenomenon that destroys everything before every rule in the relationship between labor and capital ...
This happened all over the world not only in Italy since in which neoliberal policies have occupied the scene. The principle of the neoliberal school, the deregulation that destroyed the legal limits and political expansion of capitalism can not be understood as a purely political change ...
The global labor market becomes the place of pure law of violence, of oppression. It is no longer easy to use, but of slavery, violence against the pure life naked, helpless against the body of workers throughout the world. Violence has become the dominant economic force in the era neoliberal
... The violence is the force semiocapitalism regulating the economy, so there is no conflict with the references to the legality and morality ...
legally enforceable rules that have lapsed in the culture and work. Need to free society from legal, because the company began to flout the rules of semiocapitalism to be autonomous in the post-law has established that the semiocapitalism. What is needed is the strength of the company for not respecting the unwritten rules that capitalism has imposed, and to affirm a different way of life, a new solidarity of labor. Then, in the field of semiocapitalism without rules, the company can assert its needs and especially its potential. Defending the law becomes a laughable work when the power every day in fact declare that the rules do not matter anymore. Only from the abandonment of any legalistic illusion you can create social autonomy, to live up (or if you prefer to baseness) of the challenge that the semiocapitalism launched.
The "law equal for everyone" is so powerless, no longer able to regulate the civil society: the law of the jungle applies. It almost seems that the metaphysics of Nietzsche's Will to Power is the real engine of this transformation of the market, which will see the political front prone to market interests, and finance.
In this framework, the constant attack of Berlusconi to the judiciary, administration of law, finds its raison d'etre. The fortunes of Berlusconi, the result of corruption, tax evasion and money laundering for the Mafia, is clear evidence of a right that arises for the breach of any rule of any law. The Italian anomaly, perhaps, is that this will to power of finance and economics has appeared on the political scene in first person, without intermediaries.
The neo-liberal ideology with the myth of infinite growth that accompanies it, will not tolerate any limits, does not tolerate the constraint of laws. Growth is an end in itself, an end to measure the few who starve the rest of the world. How
Galimberti said in its myths of our time about the myth of growth in the face
Today the technique and the globalized economy, politics ... it appears as a deposed monarch who is between the maps of the state and civil society have been rendered unfit, because most do not refer to the locus of sovereignty. Compared to the age of Plato, in fact, the quantitative increase of production techniques in the service of an economy that has seen only in infinite growth that has led to reversal in the economy, and the work that the power to decide spaces which allow the policy, and if grant.
It follows that the direction of history is no longer in the hands of politics, which in Plato's ideal city is the interpreter ethics and, in view of the common good, the purposes it determines to make the work of men, but whose economy is in the hands to do, governed by instrumental reason, which requires the minimum use of resources to achieve maximum results, has subject to the act itself, ie the choice of ends to which deputies are always the ethics and politics, which is responsible for deciding which direction to give the "doing", and what policy actions are "doing".
(U. Galimberti, 2009, pp.284-285)
Thus the decisions that matter are not taken by the policy and do not respond to an ethic. We are at the tip of the categorical imperative that Kant raises the question rational if the maxim that inspires their actions can become law or not universally valid. It is the interest of the stronger, the privilege of a few, to become law, appropriating the territories of ethics and politics.
But at this point one may wonder, why this right to just get the consent of many. Those who evade taxes, those who practice corruption and malfeasance has obvious interest in supporting this right, outside the law. But the common citizen? To try to answer it is useful to draw a parallel with the world market and consumption. How do you convince consumers to buy goods which do not perceive a real need? It also produces the need! The production system, that is, not only produces goods but also their need and does so by building micronarratives legendary advertising, with their promises of happiness.
As Marx explains in 'German Ideology there is always a relationship between the ruling class and ruling ideas:
The ideas of the ruling class are in every epoch the ruling ideas, ie, the class which is the dominant material power of society is at the same time its dominant spiritual power. The class that has the means of production with this material has, at the same time, the means of intellectual production, so complex are subject to it in the ideas of those who lack the means of intellectual production.
The interest of the few neo-liberal ideology that is the corollary in terms of ideas, demands perpetually unsatisfied needs, needs to produce and recreate all the time. It needs, therefore, consumer and advertising provides the essential tool of persuasion and seduction to win minds and arouse desires. But the political communication is so far away from that ad? Just as the parable of Berlusconi demonstrated the political success depends increasingly on the use of the tools of advertising and manipulation of information according to the logic of advertising. Advertising which bear comparison as they fear comparative advertising that compares different products. In this key you can read the complaint as talk shows and Ballarò Year Zero. What I fear most the power that claims the right of the fittest is the law on the one hand and the other the freedom of information.
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